Mov Soc Sun, 02 Oct 2022 11:51:06 +0000 en-US hourly 1 Mov Soc 32 32 Brazil votes in a polarizing presidential election | New Sun, 02 Oct 2022 11:51:06 +0000

Polls have opened for one of the most contentious presidential elections in Brazilian history, with left-wing former president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva expected to beat far-right leader Jair Bolsonaro.

About 156 million people are eligible to vote in these elections.

Left-wing favorite Da Silva, known as Lula, who voted on Sunday, said he was running for president “to bring the country back to normal” after four years under Bolsonaro.

“We don’t want more hate, more discord. We want a country at peace,” said the 76-year-old ex-president, who is seeking to return after leading Brazil from 2003 to 2010. “This country must regain the right to be happy.

Former Brazilian President and presidential candidate Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva casts his vote at a polling station during the presidential election, in Sao Bernardo do Campo, on the outskirts of Sao Paulo, Brazil, October 2, 2022 [Mariana Greif/Reuters]

Recent opinion polls have given Lula a considerable lead – the latest Datafolha survey released on Saturday found that 50% of those polled who intend to vote for a candidate said they would vote for Lula, compared to 36% for Bolsonaro. The pollster polled 12,800 people, with a margin of error of plus or minus two percentage points.

Al Jazeera’s Monica Yanakiew, reporting from Rio De Janeiro, said “a lot of people are asking today if Lula is going to win today or if there will be a runoff on October 30.”

Like many of its Latin American neighbors struggling with high inflation and large numbers of people excluded from formal employment, Brazil is considering a political shift to the left.

Gustavo Petro in Colombia, Gabriel Boric in Chile and Pedro Castillo in Peru are among the left-wing leaders in the region who have recently taken power.

Candidate profile

Lula rose from poverty to the presidency and is credited with establishing an extensive social welfare program during his tenure from 2003 to 2010 that helped lift tens of millions of people out of poverty.

But he is also remembered for his administration’s involvement in sweeping corruption scandals that have entangled politicians and business leaders.

Lula’s own convictions for bribery and money laundering led to 19 months in prison, sidelining him from the 2018 presidential race that polls indicated he was leading against Bolsonaro.

People line up to vote outside a polling station in Rio de Janeiro
People line up to vote outside a polling station, in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, October 2, 2022 [Lucas Landau/Reuters]

The Supreme Court later overturned Lula’s convictions on the grounds that the judge was biased and colluded with prosecutors.

Bolsonaro, who will vote in Rio de Janeiro, grew up in a modest family before joining the army. He eventually turned to politics after being forced out of the military for openly pushing to raise military salaries.

During his seven terms as a fringe legislator in the lower house of Congress, he regularly expressed nostalgia for the country’s two decades of military dictatorship.

Vowing to stand up for “God, Homeland and Family,” the president retains unwavering support from his base – evangelical Christians, security hardliners and the powerful agribusiness sector.

However, the 67-year-old has lost moderate voters with his handling of the weak economy, his vitriolic attacks on Congress, the courts and the press, a wave of destruction in the Amazon rainforest and his failure to contain the devastation of COVID -19, which has claimed more than 685,000 lives in Brazil.

Post-results scenario

There is a chance that Lula could win in the first round, without needing a second round on October 30. For this to happen, he would need more than 50% of the valid votes, which excludes spoiled and blank ballots.

An outright victory would emphasize Bolsonaro’s reaction to the count given that he has repeatedly questioned the reliability of not only opinion polls but also electronic voting machines.

Analysts fear he laid the groundwork for dismissing the results.

At one point, Bolsonaro claimed to have evidence of fraud, but never presented any, even after the election authority set a deadline to do so. He said as recently as September 18 that if he doesn’t win in the first round, something must be “wrong.”

Political analyst Adriano Laureno said it is likely Bolsonaro will try to challenge the result if he loses, AFP news agency reported.

“But that doesn’t mean he’ll be successful,” added Laureno of consultancy Prospectiva.

“The international community will quickly recognize the result… There could be a kind of unrest and uncertainty around the transition, but there is no risk of a democratic breakdown.”

San Juan Bautista Historical Society Celebrates Japanese-American History Fri, 30 Sep 2022 23:16:02 +0000 The Luck Museum organizes an open day to promote the Japanese community.

Tourists who visit San Juan Bautista to visit the Mission and the city’s Old West historical remnants might be surprised to discover that it was once home to a thriving Japanese community. Today, one of the few haunting signs of their presence is the sizable Japanese section of the San Juan Cemetery. Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s Executive Order 9066 of 1942 displaced Japanese immigrants and citizens, causing hard evidence of their contributions to the city’s heritage to be erased.

On October 1, during its open day at the Musée de la Chance from 10 a.m. to 1 p.m., the San Juan Bautista Historical Society (SJBHS) will explore the history of the Japanese in the city and share fascinating artifacts from its archives on all aspects of San Juan history. The project stems from the work done by Evelyn “Cookie” Nishita Hibino. Hibino is the daughter of Kimiko “Kimi” Sasaki Nishita, who in 1907 was the first Nisei girl born in San Juan Bautista.

“As we look around our community and the Bay Area,” said SJBHS member Georgiana Gularte, “San Benito County is slow to commemorate our Japanese residents who were born here. Cookie has researched this story, and now it’s time for us to join in.

SBCHS President Wanda Guibert worked to uncover important information that is already in the society‘s collection.

“During COVID, we were going through older issues of Mission News for articles on Chinese, Japanese and Filipino residents, trying to build a collection of articles,” she said. “We really want to build our archive on members of the non-European community because most of what we have is Euro-American oriented news and material.”

An important resource of the SJBHS is San Juan Bautista’s Focused Historical Context Statement, a 2005-2006 study that involved a survey of the city and its people. According to this document, Japanese immigrants first arrived in the city in the late 1890s in search of agricultural work, and by 1910 half of the city’s 210 Japanese residents worked on seed farms.

As was the case with Chinese immigrants, Japanese immigrants could not buy land, leaving those interested in agriculture to work as sharecroppers.

In 1910, Third Street, between Washington and Franklin streets, became a small Japanese business community. Oka’s hotel was located in the current Casa Rosa building at 107 Third Street, and the Vache Adobe, located at the Jardines restaurant at the corner of Third and Washington streets, had been converted into a deli and Japanese bath. A Japanese-owned fish market was located at 106 Third Street, the current location of Dona Esther’s restaurant.

By 1915, the population size was large enough to require the construction of a school that also served as a community center. In 1930, a larger community center was built on First Street, around the corner from the San Juan Bautista Community Center. A chapter of the Japanese American Citizens League (JACL) was founded in 1935.

With Roosevelt’s Executive Order of May 1942, Japanese Americans were deemed a national security threat and 120,000 immigrants and citizens were sent to internment camps. Although the Japanese residents of San Juan Bautista had long been accepted by the city, they were not immune to the order. An archive of photographs in the Library of Congress documents the sending of the Japanese from San Juan Bautista to “reception centers” in Salinas, where they worked in the fields and cleared the cemeteries while waiting to be sent by bus and train to internment camps.

After the war, Japanese residents returned to San Juan Bautista, but to a much more hostile environment. Business owners were not allowed to take back their stores, landlords refused to rent to families, and by 1950 the Japanese population had fallen to 30% of its pre-war size. The community continued to disappear, although some Japanese residents still gather at the JACL.

The understanding that much of the short history of the Japanese in San Juan Bautista has gone untold is a strong motivating factor in SJBHS’s drive to collect and preserve what they can before it is gone. lost in time. The society encourages residents to come forward and help.

“What we want is for people to come and tell us more about what they know,” Gularte said. “We also encourage people to bring us items for our collection that they may want to be preserved as part of the city’s historical archives.”

We need your help. Support local non-profit news! BenitoLink is a nonprofit informational website that reports on San Benito County. Our team engages with this community and provides essential and accurate information to our fellow citizens. It is expensive to produce local news and community support is what keeps news flowing. Please consider support BenitoLink, San Benito County Public Service, Nonprofit News.

What would Jack Charles do? Fri, 30 Sep 2022 09:08:49 +0000

Remembering the Inspirational Uncle Jack, Sparkling-Eyed Actor, Activist and Mentor

I heard the news of the death of my close friend and mentor, Jack Charles, while watching the must-see coverage of Queen Elizabeth’s death. Everywhere I surfed, from canal to canal, there was the Queen, riding a stallion across the expanse of one of her landed estates, waving to a crowd outside Buckingham Palace from a carriage that looked like a pumpkin giant, and reclining in State in one palace or another. Whatever my personal feelings about the Crown and its declining colonial empire, I was struck by the crude display of parading a corpse across the country. When an Aboriginal person dies, we are motivated to bring peace and rest to their spirit, as opposed to turmoil and noise.

Jack Charles was a proud Boon Wurrung, Woi Wurrung, Dja Dja Wurrung and Yorta Yorta. Others who knew and loved Jack have already commented on his rich life, as an actor, writer, potter, activist and occasional cat burglar. A member of the Stolen Generations, he was taken from his mother as a baby, spent years in institutions and foster homes, and graduated from the prison system, as others sometimes do. Indigenous people, after suffering childhood trauma at the hands of the state. Jack spoke actively about the physical and sexual abuse he suffered in the institutions that housed him over the years. The resulting pain he lived with throughout his life contributed to a severe drug addiction, which he gave up around the age of 60. Jack was an old-school “do the crime, do the time” character, a man who never sought sympathy for his failings. What he has come to expect of others and himself is basic decency.

I knew Jack on the street long before I saw him on stage or on screen. I knew him from before the years when he rode his bright yellow bicycle through central Melbourne, sporting a high-vis vest, his silver mane swaying in the breeze. Regardless of whether he was unlucky or enjoying his success of the past few years, Jack’s love for others, his spark and his wisdom have not changed. People have commented recently that Jack has a smile for everyone and loves to share a laugh. He did. But appearances can be deceiving. Jack was a principled political activist throughout his life and fiercely defended Indigenous rights when necessary, never backing down in any battle, despite his lack of physical stature.

Jack was an inspirational leader to our people. His voice was as wise as it was humble. I had the chance to work with him several times. On one occasion, I had the privilege of hearing him speak the words that I have never forgotten. Words that changed the way I think about community and country. At the time we worked together on the play We will show the country, produced by Ilbijerri Theater Company, with the wonderful artistic director Rachael Maza. Jack played the role of William Barak, a Wurundjeri leader from the banished Aboriginal community on the Coranderrk reserve, east of Melbourne, in the 1860s. a historical context to the story.

One afternoon, Jack and I were invited to lead a discussion with the non-Aboriginal actors in the production. They were great people to work with, keen to learn more about the history of the incarceration of native communities in the missions and reservations of the Victorian colony from the mid-19e century later. I talked about the Aboriginal Protection Act 1886, more infamously known to Native people as the “half-breed” act. It was a violent law enacted to forcibly separate indigenous families on the basis of caste, being an attempt to exterminate people with the stroke of a pen rather than a bullet.

“Sovereignty” was the buzzword at the time when We will show the country went into production. One of the actors asked Jack if he could explain the concept of sovereignty for the cast. Although he spent a lot of time in courtrooms being questioned by lawyers or being defended by his own “beak”, Jack Charles was not himself a legal expert. The day didn’t matter. He confessed to having no interest in the constitutional legality of the term, nor in the efforts of some Indigenous nations and individuals to test the validity of sovereignty in court. For Jack, understanding sovereignty and its practice was a personal matter.

He stood in front of us and spoke in typical Jack Charles fashion, his voice sometimes going from a deep baritone to the softest whisper. His eyes shone like only Jack’s could, and his dancing hands animated every word he spoke. Jack began by telling us that he was not seeking Crown sovereignty. He did not go headlong before a judge to ask that a token form of sovereignty be granted to him. Jack was a sovereign Aborigine, he told us, and he asserted his authority every day of his life, wherever he was and whatever company he had.

Jack added that his position not only comes with authority, but also a deep responsibility, which he described with clarity and heart. He then asked us to imagine that we were walking down a street and met a person in need. The person may be sick or homeless. They could be drunk or overdosed. Jack said that as an Aboriginal sovereign, it was his responsibility to see that person. To help them instead of leaving. Caring for all the people who share the country.

Unsurprisingly, Jack went on to say that responsibility becomes a burden that no individual can overcome if they struggle alone to bring about change. He pointed to the cast members and said they, we, were an example of the values ​​of cooperation and collaboration. He was frustrated that Indigenous peoples who maintained a philosophy and culture of the collective good were not engaged in a world he described as “screwed up”.

In the days following our conversation, I often thought about Jack’s words. I knew his personal suffering, and I was in awe of his offering, his immense sense of generosity. Shortly after, I was watching a talk given by Winona LaDuke, a North American First Nations scholar and activist. She spoke about the issue of negotiating colonial structures and the concept of reciprocity. She then said that whenever she finds herself in a situation where she doesn’t know what to do, perhaps at an ethical or political crossroads, she asks herself the question, “What would Nelson do?”

In LaDuke’s case, she refers to Nelson Mandela, someone she considers an absent mentor. Of course, she doesn’t assimilate to Mandela (LaDuke is a determined and humble person). She asks for his advice, a conversation with him, so that she can then make a thoughtful decision for herself and her community. My respect for Jack Charles is such that when faced with an intellectual or political dilemma, I often wonder, “What would Jack do?” Until recently, I had always been able to ask my question directly to Jack, and I often did. Now that he’s not here to talk to him personally, I’m going to have to find a place where I can call Jack and ask him, “What would you do?”

The last time I was on the road with Jack was at the Byron Writers Festival a few years ago. We arrived on Friday and the next morning sat on a bench in the sun, drinking coffee and sharing stories of old Fitzroy. Our accommodation was at a local resort. Each room had a white tub deep enough for someone the size of Jack to swim in. (I’m only a little taller than Jack and could possibly handle the breaststroke.) We had both taken a bath the night before and clean as a whistle. “And this bath? said Jack. “The bath!” I answered. We had never enjoyed such luxury. I had grown up in a house with no running water, and Jack had undergone communal bathing in institutions, where other boys sometimes pissed in the water. “The bath!” we repeated again and again.

People loved Jack’s company. It was no surprise that, as we sat at the bench, other writers who had been invited to the festival joined us, eager to talk to him. They were mostly white writers, good people who had real affection for him. Jack never wronged anyone and his conversation that morning was as generous as ever. He posed a question to each of the authors. He wanted to know, “Have you ever taken a bath?” None of them had. Once they were gone and we were alone, he leaned over the table and patted my arm to get my attention. Jack Charles was about to share one of his pearls of wisdom with me. “Not one of them was in the tub,” he said. “The poor white men have been so spoiled that there isn’t a carnival ride left that excites them.”

The Politics of Resentment EJINSIGHT Fri, 30 Sep 2022 00:51:00 +0000

Not so long ago, the far right in Europe was associated with seedy old men nostalgic for the good old days of order and ankle boots. Far-right political parties in France and Italy, now led by women, were founded by former SS officers, veterans of the collaborationist Vichy government and other dubious figures emerging from the shadows of the Second World War. The same goes for the Democrats in Sweden, who won 20.6% of the vote in the last election.

Obviously, a lot has changed in the European post-fascist firmament. Giorgia Meloni, leader of the far-right Brothers of Italy party, will be the first woman to be Italian Prime Minister. Marine Le Pen’s National Rally won 89 seats in the French parliament. And the Swedish Democrats will have a strong voice in national politics, even if they will remain outside the government.

Not only women, but also young men, usually smartly dressed in tailored suits, are now setting the tone for Europe’s far right. Moderate conservative parties in Europe have not yet been taken over by extremists, as happened with Republicans in the United States, but fear of losing votes has pushed them further to the fringe.

That doesn’t mean we’re about to wake up in 1933. History never repeats itself the same way. Meloni is not Mussolini, and there is no Hitler, so far, hiding behind the scenes. In any case, there are many versions of right-wing extremism. The same was true of pre-war fascism. Each country has its own history, and its own brand of demagoguery.

Yet all forms of right-wing populism have some things in common. The politics of resentment appeals to people who feel left out and ignored. In most countries, the deeper one goes into the provinces, the more resentment one encounters towards the so-called elites. The breed plays its usual corrosive role in the United States. Many rural whites resent the rise of blacks in public life. And everywhere, fear and discontent find an easy outlet in hostility towards immigrants.

Then there are those who feel humiliated by a lack of recognition or achievement: failed writers, third-rate academics or, increasingly, young men of good family, who can no longer take the privileges of their class for granted. . This explains the rise of what might be called the “fraternal boy right”, stronger in Europe than in the United States, and the propensity for eye-catching costumes.

The recent electoral successes of far-right parties are often seen as a failure of their main rivals, who are widely blamed for their lack of coherence. We don’t know what they really represent.

It’s not quite fair. What traditional parties like Labor in the UK or Democrats in the US stand for is pretty clear: international institutions, global trade, flexible and generous immigration policies, and so on. The problem is that this hardly distinguishes them from moderate conservative parties.

President Bill Clinton’s policy did not fundamentally differ from that of his predecessor, George HW Bush, and neither did Tony Blair and David Cameron in the UK, or Gerhard Schröder and Angela Merkel in Germany. In Europe in the 1990s and 2000s, many European governments were formed by coalitions made up of moderate left and moderate right parties. Government by technocrats or political managers has become the norm. As a result, right-wing populists, like Donald Trump, have exploited a hatred not only of the left, but also of the conservative establishment.

But there’s a good reason progressives are even more resented than conservatives: people hate hypocrisy. It is of course true that a certain degree of hypocrisy is essential in an open society. Moral or ideological purism is the enemy of liberal democracy, just as always saying exactly what you think is not a sign of good manners. But there is a particular type of left-wing hypocrisy that many people find particularly irritating.

Traditional progressive parties now get most of their votes from relatively well-educated people in big cities, people who travel for work, speak more than one language, appreciate cultural diversity and have a stake in the global economy.

There is nothing inherently wrong with their worldview. Economic globalization has lifted many people out of poverty. International cooperation in common institutions is preferable to nationalism and border walls. And a generous attitude towards asylum seekers and immigrants is humane, culturally enriching and brings new dynamism to a society.

But not everyone benefits from the liberal world order. The middle class in Italy is feeling the pinch. Former industrial workers in the American Midwest are suffering. People from the French provinces feel marginalized by Paris. Moderate conservatives tend to take a harsh view of these complaints. Stop whining and work harder, they say.

The reaction from the left is more moralizing. People who complain about immigrants are denounced as racists. Those who doubt international institutions or world trade are called xenophobes. But because the left always claims to defend the underprivileged, it often has a strong undertone of self-serving duplicity. Not only do progressive and educated city dwellers benefit from the liberal world order, but they also wish to gain the upper hand morally and lecture those who lack education or prosperity.

This is one of the reasons people vote for Le Pen, Meloni, Trump or the Swedish Democrats. If educated Londoners support joining the European Union, we will vote for Brexit. If the “elites” talk about face masks or climate change, we will believe that they are hoaxes concocted by George Soros or Bill Gates. It is revenge for the offended, the politics of resentment.

Trump has shown us that the politics of resentment is generally destructive and not conducive to successful government. Can Meloni and other far-right leaders lucky enough to govern do better? I’m not holding my breath.

Copyright : Project Syndicate
— Contact us at [email protected]

Ian Buruma

Author of The Churchill Complex: The Curse of Being Special, From Winston and FDR to Trump and Brexit

Biden admin urged to vet companies that participate in Israel boycotts Thu, 29 Sep 2022 18:14:39 +0000

The Biden administration is under pressure from Congress to more actively police companies that participate in boycotts of Israel, according to a letter sent Wednesday to the Commerce Department and obtained by the Free Washington Beacon.

The senses. Ted Cruz (R., Texas) and Marsha Blackburn (R., Tenn.) say the administration is “not taking enough steps to ensure that corporate America is aware of the criminal, financial and reputational risks of s engage in unauthorized boycotts” of Israel and other friendly countries.

The letter comes amid growing controversy around a financial rating product known as the Environmental, Social and Corporate (ESG) Governance Framework. ESG ratings, which aim to guide investors, examine a company based on its social values ​​and tend to unfairly target Israel due to the country’s conflict with the Palestinians. Cruz and Blackburn argue that financial companies providing ESG ratings that negatively impact Israel are violating federal and state anti-boycott laws, which were put in place to isolate the Boycott, Divestment and Sanctions (BDS) movement, an effort anti-semitic. waging economic war against the Jewish state.

The senators want Commerce Secretary Gina Raimondo to “more vigorously engage these companies to educate them on risks, which range from federal laws to state bans,” according to the letter, which cites financial giant Morningstar as an example of a company that may be violating federal law. Morningstar, one of the largest US-based financial services companies, has battled accusations that it supports the BDS movement through its ESG research arm, Sustainalytics. While Morningstar has denied the charges, experts say Sustainalytics constructs its ratings using materials written by anti-Israel groups that support the BDS movement.

“Sustainalytics has picked up on and amplified attacks by boycott advocacy groups on companies doing business with Israel,” Cruz and Blackburn say in their letter. “Proponents of economic warfare against Israel have increasingly sought to use ESG criteria as pretexts to argue for the boycott.”

The Commerce Department needs to do more to warn companies like Morningstar that they may be in direct violation of federal anti-BDS laws. “We are concerned that the trust is misplaced and that the Commerce Department is not sufficiently engaging Morningstar and similar companies,” Cruz and Blackburn write. “Sustainalytics’ ratings and implied advocacy come remarkably close to black letter violations” of federal law.

The Commerce Department, they note, “is responsible for ensuring that U.S. businesses are aware of these risks and working with them to mitigate and end any exposure.”

According to Cruz and Blackburn, the entire ESG ratings industry is infected with an anti-Israel bias fueled by the BDS movement as part of its efforts to turn Israel into a pariah state and deter investors.

“Companies that rely on ESG ratings in their business decisions have minimal transparency into the details, let alone the motivations, behind how the ratings were established,” the lawmakers write. “The practice introduces exposure to U.S. anti-boycott laws throughout the chain, and specifically for companies that design and define ESG criteria in an opaque way.”

Morningstar, which bought Sustainalytics in 2020, hired an outside law firm to investigate allegations of anti-Israel bias in its products. The report, by law firm White and Case, found instances of bias in some of Sustainalytics’ products. This includes the company’s reliance “on groups committed to boycotting Israel, including Who Profits, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International,” according to Cruz and Blackburn.

Sustainalytics was also found to rely on information produced by the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, a body known for its anti-Israel advocacy. “The Government of the United States has consistently and in all administrations condemned that [Office of the High Commissioner’s] list as an anti-Semitic effort to single out and delegitimize our Israeli allies,” the lawmakers wrote.

Other materials used by Sustainalytics in its ratings products included “anti-Semitic advocacy platforms, including the Electronic Intifada website,, Iranian dailyand the Venezuelan regime-sponsored television channel Telesur.”

Morningstar says Sustainalytics no longer relies on these materials and has implemented a series of reforms to eliminate outstanding anti-Israel bias.

Cruz and Blackburn, however, argue that the White and Case report failed to adequately address the systemic anti-Israel bias embedded in ESG products like those provided by Sustainalytics.

“The law firm didn’t take the obvious next step by noting that comparing Israel to, say, the Chinese Communist Party, which carries out an ongoing genocide against Muslims and other religious minorities, is preposterous and is itself evidence of systemic bias,” the senators write. “Nor did the report make the equally obvious point that incorporating the advocacy and goals of pro-boycott organizations guarantees the production of pro-boycott bias.”

Morningstar, through a spokesperson, told the Free tag that it in no way endorses the BDS movement and undertakes efforts to ensure that none of its financial products unfairly target Israel.

Daniel Garcia is out of the Jericho Appreciation Society (unless he isn’t) Thu, 29 Sep 2022 02:09:57 +0000

The Jericho Appreciation Society launched on September 28 dynamite, celebrating OCHO™ in matching purple costumes as they insulted fans in Philadelphia. Ring of Honor World Champion Chris Jericho and his cast mocked the “City of Losers” and brought back Luigi the Pizza Guy to do New York Style. Not that they were going to give it to the Philadelphia faithful anyway.

The Champion also had some digs for the name of the promotion on his new belt. Jericho said he’s already the most-watched ROH champion ever, because no one knows Ring of Honor. But that will change in the era of Ring of Jericho.

ROH Pure Champion Daniel Garcia was also there, but he didn’t seem happy. He rejected the gift of a purple bob and parried Luigi!

Garcia started to say something to his mentor, but Jericho cut him off, warning him that he was about to make the biggest mistake of his career. This brought out the youngster hero, Bryan Danielson. The American Dragon blamed Jericho for telling Garcia who he should be and told him he could join him at the Blackpool Combat Club.

The Pure champion has teased a team with the Dragon (along with a bunch of other sports entertainment options)…

…and suggested they face Jericho and Sammy Guevara. Before getting confirmation, the opening segment led to a match between Danielson and Daddy Magic Matt Menard. It went as you’d imagine, both in terms of JAS shenanigans – former ROH World Champion Claudio Castagnoli ran to take out Cool Hand Ang – and as a result – Bryan won via submission.

It seemed (to this writer, anyway) that the story would continue when Jericho defended OCHO™ in the main event. But AEW announced the tag match for next week ahead of the final match of the night.


While commenting on the Daddy Magic match, BCC’s William Regal indicated that he’d rather the group fight Garcia than team up with him…so the matter might not be further decided within the Club than it was on our screens.

Learn more about Jericho’s main match here. But before you go, are you excited for this game and a potential Danielson/Garcia team in the works?

Get Full Results and All-Over Coverage Tonight dynamite here.

Who is authentically black if not Kwasi Kwarteng? Wed, 28 Sep 2022 11:08:12 +0000

Keir Starmer wants to show that the Labor Party is ready for power. The days of irresponsible politicians and eccentric MPs are over. These are the adults in the room after successive waves of conservative crises. Just hours before his speech at the Labor Party conference on Tuesday, that pristine image was tarnished.

At a side event at the conference, Rupa Huq, MP for Ealing Central and Acton, said of Chancellor of the Exchequer Kwasi Kwarteng that “he is superficially a black man”. She added, as nonsensical evidence: “He went to Eton, he went to a very expensive prep school… if you hear it on the Today program, you wouldn’t know it was black. Huq had the whip suspended for those comments.

Huq’s point of view is offensive, but what immediately strikes you is how bizarre he is. Why should having a private education and speaking well disqualify someone from being black? Are the only authentically black people the ones who grew up in housing estates and look like rappers? Huq is hostile to Kwarteng’s politics. That’s fair enough; Dispute is fundamental in politics. But embedded in his mind, apparently, is a vision of black people that should be unthinkable for someone who represents a party that prides itself on progressive values ​​about race.

More than a decade ago, in a Newsnight debate on the 2011 London riots, Tudor historian David Starkey made this comment about Tottenham MP David Lammy: “Listen to David Lammy, a quintessentially successful black man. If you turn off the screen to listen to it on the radio, you’d think it’s white. It was part of a wider tirade about the influence of black culture on British society: white people in towns across the country now sound black. But luckily you have people like Lammy on the other side, showing that black people can escape their darkness.

Huq seems to think the same. His comments suggest that to be black is to occupy the lowest rungs of society, and only the Labor Party can save black people. Wealthy black conservatives like Kwarteng are betraying their identity. They lose their black card because they undermine Huq’s racial image. Blacks can be rich or poor, left or right. They can sound like Kwasi Kwarteng or Dizzee Rascal.

Select and enter your email address

morning call

A quick and essential guide to national and world politics from the New Statesman’s political team.

The crash

A weekly newsletter helping you put the pieces of the global economic downturn together.

World review

The New Statesman’s world affairs newsletter, every Monday and Friday.

The New Statesman newspaper

The best of New Statesman, delivered to your inbox every weekday morning.

Green times

The New Statesman’s weekly environmental email on the politics, business and culture of the climate and natural crises – in your inbox every Thursday.

Culture Edit

Our weekly culture newsletter – from books and art to pop culture and memes – sent out every Friday.

Weekly Highlights

A weekly digest of some of the best stories featured in the latest issue of The New Statesman, sent out each Saturday.

Ideas and letters

A newsletter featuring the best writings from the ideas and archives section of the NS, covering political ideas, philosophy, criticism and intellectual history – sent every Wednesday.

Events and offers

Sign up to receive information about NS events, subscription offers and product updates.

  • administration office
  • arts and culture
  • Crew member
  • Business / Corporate Services
  • Customer / Customer Service
  • Communication
  • Construction, Works, Engineering
  • Education, Curriculum and Teaching
  • Environment, Conservation and NRM
  • Management and maintenance of facilities / grounds
  • Financial management
  • Health – Medical and Nursing Management
  • HR, training and organizational development
  • Information and communication technologies
  • Information services, statistics, records, archives
  • Infrastructure Management – Transportation, Utilities
  • Lawyers and practitioners
  • Librarians and library management
  • Management
  • Marketing
  • OHS, Risk Management
  • Operations management
  • Planning, policy, strategy
  • Print, Design, Publishing, Web
  • Projects, Programs and Advisors
  • Property, asset and fleet management
  • Public relations and media
  • Purchasing and Supply
  • Quality management
  • Scientific and technical research and development
  • Security and Law Enforcement
  • Delivery service
  • Sports and leisures
  • Travel, Lodging, Tourism
  • Wellness, Community / Social Services

I find it amazing that I even have to write that there is more than one way to be a black person. But the Labor Party is full of surprises. In his speech, Starmer, echoing Tony Blair, described Labor as “the party of the centre”. “Once again”, he said, “we are the political wing of the British people”. Against the current Conservative government, and according to recent polls, that may be the case. But there are still, as the Huq’s example shows, attitudes about race within the party that run counter to central ground. Starmer still has a lot of work to do.

Content from our partners

Why competition is the key to customer satisfaction

Main streets remain vitally important to local communities

The future of gas

[See also: Kwasi Kwarteng forgot that radicalism needs to be matched by credibility]

Why Italy’s ‘Red Belt’ Has Unbuckled – POLITICO Wed, 28 Sep 2022 02:51:52 +0000

Jamie Dettmer is Opinion Writer at POLITICO Europe.

When asked who he would vote for on the eve of Italy’s snap general election, Renzo Ramacciani, a retired bricklayer in his 60s, clapped his hand on the kitchen table and said: ‘Meloni’ .

Like many of his friends, he has so far always voted for the Democratic Party (PD). So why the change?

The party “no longer pays any attention to the little people, to the working people,” Renzo said. And in towns and villages north of Rome, there is no exception.

Those who live here have long been part of the country’s so-called ‘red belt’, once the most leftist regions of central Italy. But the belt came unbuckled.

In the last elections, some older voters in northern Lazio left the PD and supported the 5 Star Movement, seeing it as a way to cast a protest vote. Matteo Salvini’s right-wing nationalist, the League, has also seen an outpouring of support from young voters, unhappy with the lack of job prospects as well as a wave of migrants in the region – they confused the two wrongly.

This time around, however, Giorgia Meloni’s new national-conservative Italy Brothers have been the big beneficiaries of an organized election as voters grapple with soaring inflation and wonder how they will pay their bills. of energy.

Energy costs have skyrocketed, and restaurants and bars that have managed to survive the pandemic are now facing monumental electricity and gas bills. A restaurant in the village of Celleno saw its average monthly energy bill jump from around €2,000 to just under €5,000. And some establishments have even taken to displaying their invoices to explain why they charge customers more.

Founded only ten years ago and with roots in the Italian Social Movement (MSI) – which was formed by supporters of Benito Mussolini after World War II – the neo-fascist roots of the Brothers of Italy have not put off Renzo or his friends in the villages near Viterbo from voting for Meloni. They accept her claim that she’s a conservative, not a fascist, and they’ve been willing to ignore her own youthful MSI membership – she joined the youth wing at the age of 19, much to the horror of his leftist party. Roman parents.

Ahead of the election, several PD defectors I spoke to in northern Lazio said they would take Meloni at face value, insisting they weren’t voting for her because of burning social issues. such as abortion or LGBTQ+ rights – this despite campaigning on the slogan ‘God, Fatherland and Family’ and her party making it difficult for women to access abortion services in the Marches neighbours, where his party leads the regional government.

“The press portrays it as a sort of second advent of Mussolini; I don’t believe it,” said Pietro, a 58-year-old trader in Bagnioregio. “They should give it a chance. God knows we need something to change, we need more certainty, more stability,” he added.

Most say they voted for Meloni, or alliance partners La Liga and Forza Italia, because of empty wallets. In other words, it was “the economy, stupid”. So if Meloni takes a radical direction once in power and pleases his die-hard supporters by waging a culture war over reproductive and LGBTQ+ rights, his right-wing coalition risks losing the newfound support it has gained.

More than anything, however, these residents voted for Meloni because they lost faith in the established parties.

A sense of foreboding has hovered over Italy’s mountainous heartland for years. In the central regions of Lazio, Umbria and Marche, distrust of the government has increased. Many feel that successive governments have ignored them and are frustrated by the lack of follow through on economic promises.

However, Rome has paid more attention in the past two years, with Mario Draghi’s coalition government funding much-needed road maintenance in central Italy and backing restoration work on long-neglected cultural monuments – an investment thanks in large part to EU funds and the prospect of some additional €200bn to come in grants and loans, aimed at improving Italy’s lagging economic performance.

But those postcard-perfect regions of central Italy – with summer pastures of sunflowers and poppies, lush vineyards, rows of centuries-old olive trees and medieval stone hilltop towns – have struggled to offset the decline of commercial agriculture for years, desperately exploring ways to reshape themselves as tourist destinations and centers for the craft trades.

But the 2008 financial crash sent a booming regional tourism industry into a tailspin from which it was slowly recovering, only for the COVID-19 pandemic to hit.

The country has pulled off a strong economic rebound this year, growing at an annualized rate of just over 4% in the second quarter of 2022, but that won’t make up for decades of lost ground – it doesn’t even make up for it the 9% contraction in GDP in 2020, the biggest drop in the euro zone after Spain.

Economists attribute Italy’s abysmal economic performance over the past quarter-century to high taxes, a rigid labor market, excessive government spending, heavy regulation, bloated bureaucracy and a lack of competitiveness. For many residents of northern Lazio, however, the blame lies with politicians, whom locals accuse of corruption and cronyism. They also include elite Eurocrats from faraway Brussels in their list of officials.

While tourists see little to complain about in scenic Lazio, over the past decade Umbria and Le Marche have been scorching hot for locals, and the hardest hit are young people, competing for dwindling job opportunities.

Most of them have no choice but to leave if they want to find a sustainable and well-paid job, while those who remain fatally boomerang from one short-term gig to another – often in trade retail, or in what remains of the hard-hit hospitality sector.

Many of those who remain dream of emigrating but stay because of family ties, a strong affinity with their home region, or crippling lethargy and resignation. “I don’t see any future in Lazio. I’m thinking of going abroad, maybe to Spain,” 24-year-old Veronica Deiana told me recently. But she admits she’s been saying it for a long time.

Desperation is brewing – and to the growing advantage of right-wing populist and nationalist parties. The deep disaffection that drives the national mood – genuine concern about the country’s economic prospects amid high youth unemployment and dysfunctional public services – is all too easily channeled into anti-migrant fervor, adding to the toxicity and anxiety. And while the PD dismisses these fears of being “overwhelmed” by migrants as xenophobia, the party’s response has done little to stop the bleeding of their traditional voters into the red belt.

A fractured left offered no persuasive compensatory vision to convince people like Anna-Maria, a 45-year-old housewife in the Umbrian town of Orvieto, who on the eve of the election said she would break her habit of voting for the left.

“The Democratic Party has done nothing to stop the invasion of migrants…These migrants are not us. We don’t have enough money for ourselves and our children can’t find jobs. Enough is enough.”

The Glen Ellen Historical Society prepares its own plan for the DDC Tue, 27 Sep 2022 02:13:50 +0000

After months of critical comments at town hall meetings and a protest against county plans to redevelop the Sonoma Development Center, the community of Glen Ellen has taken matters into their own hands.

At the Sept. 21 meeting of the North Sonoma Valley City Advisory Board, the Glen Ellen Historical Society presented a new plan for the property, which calls for significantly less housing and little state or county oversight. .

The plans were submitted Sept. 9 to the California Department of General Services, which oversees the historic Eldridge property, just hours before the department’s deadline for accepting proposals at the site.


Glen Ellen Historical Society representative Bean Anderson said Permit Sonoma ignored “key principles” highlighted at town hall meetings to create a rural scale of development, protect open spaces and ensure the local community guides future land use on the site.

“As you are well aware, the specific (county) plan proposed did not incorporate any of these communities, plans or principles, particularly with respect to scale,” Anderson said.

A New Plan for the ‘Next Hundred Years’

Anderson shared aspects of the Glen Ellen Historical Society’s proposal, titled “The ‘Next Hundred Years’ at SDC,” which aims to ensure local ownership and independent control of the land, in most cases, through the creation of a community trust.

“This proposal envisions the creation of the Sonoma Mountain Community Service District to manage land and development projects, and it also creates a community trust to develop responsible policies for the development and management of the site,” Anderson said.

The plan calls for 470 units, less than half the number proposed in the current specific plan, of which 60% would be designated affordable, or 282 in total. The new district would become a state agency that could access government funding, according to the plan. The board overseeing the trust would be made up of democratically elected residents of Glen Ellen and Sonoma Valley.

“It was clear to us that we could not trust Permit Sonoma to act on behalf of the people of Sonoma Valley,” Anderson said. “And with apologies to Blanche DuBois (an actress from ‘A Streetcar Named Desire’), we couldn’t count on the kindness of the developers.”

With 10 days left before the proposal submission deadline, a small group of volunteers came together to create a plan to contrast Permit Sonoma’s existing proposal, Anderson said. The historical society‘s plan proposes that the state transfer ownership to the community trust to oversee and develop the land through private contractors, supplanting the state’s role in guiding redevelopment.

The state is looking to sell the property to a developer to build it, said Bradley Dunn, Permit Sonoma policy officer who oversees the SDC process. Dunn warned county critics that the state could revoke Sonoma County’s place in the planning process if a project’s financial feasibility was not met.

“If they propose a project to the state and the state selects them, they can do whatever they want within the limits of the specific plan,” Dunn said. “It assumes that we pass a specific plan in time and the state does not step in and preserve our local voice in the planning process.”

The historical society’s proposal stated that funding for the estimated $100 million redevelopment would be provided by “revenues and development value on the land, with no financial obligation to the constituents of the district.” The report notes that the community trust will likely contract projects with the same developers currently bidding on the property.

These contractors would build a proposed day care center to the south of the property, an agricultural incubator for young farmers, and a health clinic in the Nelson Building. In addition, plans foresee a micro-grid for solar energy and the rehabilitation of the emblematic building of the main administration with “second skin” technology.

The proposal claims that the Permit Sonoma redevelopment project will be more expensive at 1,000 units compared to the “village scale” development. While the historical society’s proposal does not identify an estimated total cost for the redevelopment, it says cost savings can be found through smaller-scale construction and technological innovation.

“If (Glen Ellen Historical Society) comes up with a financially viable option that the state selects and they can make it work, I’m going to tip my cap,” Dunn said.

The home stretch of the SDC

After the Sonoma Development Center closed to customers in 2018, the state commissioned Permit Sonoma to create a plan that takes into account the acute affordable housing crisis, protects open spaces and preserves buildings of historic significance. It was the first time a local agency had been allowed to take over state-owned land.

The project has exceeded the original 2-year deadline for the planning process, which was due to end at the end of 2021, largely due to complications resulting from the pandemic. Still, the county board of supervisors is set to identify a specific plan for state approval by the end of the year, according to project documents.

Permit Sonoma initially released three options for the site, including a historic preservation alternative with fewer housing units than the other designs. After public input, Permit Sonoma combined aspects of these plans, but fierce opposition to the number of housing units remained among some respondents.

In the three-design alternatives survey report reported by Permit Sonoma, older white respondents preferred the historic preservation alternative that had the fewest units while a “majority of younger respondents, regardless of their race” preferred the alternative with the greatest number of accommodations. units. Permit Sonoma’s current proposal is 1,000 units, which is at the lower end of the units of all alternative proposals, 25% of which would be affordable.

“These are (for) families who would have housing in Sonoma County, in the Sonoma Valley, that they could afford,” Dunn said.

On the other hand, the historical society says their proposal is the only way to secure public ownership of the SDC’s 945 acres in perpetuity, which would be “permanently lost if sold to a private developer.”

When a specific plan is finalized and approved by the Board of Supervisors, followed by state approval, developers will bid on a contract to develop the land based on the plan. Months away from the supervisors’ vote, the Glen Ellen community members’ proposal is a last-ditch effort to curtail development of a future SDC.

“The time to discuss the details will come after the district is in place,” the proposal reads. “So now it’s up to all of us to help make this happen.”

Contact Chase Hunter at and follow @Chase_HunterB on Twitter.

Gary Neville: Matt Hancock inspired me to get involved in Labor politics | Gary Neville Mon, 26 Sep 2022 19:05:00 +0000

Gary Neville has pointed out that former Health Secretary Matt Hancock told footballers to take pay cuts and ‘play their part’ during the Covid pandemic as the time he was inspired to get involved in Labor politics .

The former England footballer said the Conservative politician’s remarks ‘made me speak politically’ as he appeared at the Labor Conference in Liverpool to call for a change of government.

He attacked Chancellor Kwasi Kwarteng’s decision to cut the top 45p tax rate and corporation tax rates, even though Neville benefited directly from both, saying football friends were among those who wanted to ‘give back’ money” to those who needed it this winter.

In an interview with the Guardian he said: ‘There wasn’t a single rich person on over £150,000 a year, I believe, last week who asked for more money in their pocket, wanted more money in his pocket or waiting for money in his pocket.

“They expected the government, in this budget, to put in place emergency measures to help people pay their energy bills during the winter, to feed themselves [for] Their families. It’s almost blatant that they’re only helping their own.

“I’m enjoying it and 658,000 other people are enjoying it, but if you have any dignity or honor in you, I think you’ll step aside – I know I would – and say, ‘No, not this times Kwasi.’ You make sure the money goes to people who are struggling to pay their energy bills this winter.

The football pundit and businessman, when asked about his wealthy friends who also benefited from the changes, said: “They have good hearts. They were raised in working-class communities and, although they are wealthy, they do not forget their roots. They pass on their money to their families, to their friends, they want to reinvest in their communities, they do something for charity.

He added: “So footballers, when they were attacked by Matt Hancock at the start of the pandemic, which gave me life and made me speak politically, you know… footballers are not the people we should attack here.

“We all watch the Downing Street briefing at five o’clock every night and this guy comes along and I think, ‘Come on a minute, give me a break.’

Despite his newfound political activism, Neville also ruled out becoming an MP, saying: “I wouldn’t because I love what I do in Greater Manchester with my businesses, and I love what I do in football. I sincerely believe that I can be more vocal and more honest outside.

He has also ruled out running to succeed Andy Burnham as mayor of Greater Manchester as it would mean abandoning his business interests and watching football at the weekends.

He said there were other high-profile figures in the world of football who would support Labor but suggested they might be put off by possible abuse.

“Yes, but the number of times I’ve been called a champagne socialist or an enlightened left-hander. I’m not a leftist, I want companies to make profits so they can reinvest them in their facilities, people and products. I am not a socialist. I want there to be a thriving economy, but I also want us to have fantastic public services.

Neville said he was “disappointed” with the state of the country and that it was “time for a change”. He added: “It is quite obvious that this is a tired and failing government of 12 years. If a manager stays too long at a football club, if a political party stays too long, then you need this change.

He said the Conservatives had come to rely on crises to avoid talking about public services. “They like the idea of ​​going from crisis to crisis because it gives them air cover for their incompetence,” he said.